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04.06.2026 à 14:27
“In the age of misinformation, the line between fact and fiction is blurrier than ever.” “For those of us working in video news, verification isn’t a nice-to-have. It’s a necessity. It is how we protect the stories we help shape and how we earn and maintain trust in an increasingly chaotic information ecosystem,” Abu Dhabi-registered […]
The post Tracing Digital Links Between Viory and Ruptly appeared first on bellingcat.
“In the age of misinformation, the line between fact and fiction is blurrier than ever.”
“For those of us working in video news, verification isn’t a nice-to-have. It’s a necessity. It is how we protect the stories we help shape and how we earn and maintain trust in an increasingly chaotic information ecosystem,” Abu Dhabi-registered video news agency Viory posted on LinkedIn on April 9, 2026, offering training to help newsrooms and journalists sort fact from fiction.
The self-described “video news agency of the Global South” has delivered journalism training to multiple national press agencies across Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
However, when it comes to Viory itself, the line between fact and fiction is very blurry indeed.
Bellingcat has found multiple links between the digital infrastructure of Viory and Ruptly news agency, a branch of sanctioned Russian propaganda outlet Russia Today, including shared IP addresses, a Viory-linked site using a digital security certificate registered to Ruptly, and Ruptly sending site performance data to Viory. While there have been previous reports on suspected links between the two outlets, our investigation adds new evidence about Viory’s ties to Ruptly media.
When contacted for comment, both Viory and Ruptly denied any connection with each other.

Viory’s main offering is raw video footage of news events provided via subscription. According to Viory, its clients include “major international news outlets, local media organisations, and independent creatives in more than 170 countries”.
If its own figures are to be believed, Viory was strikingly well established at its launch in November 2023, by which time it claimed to have a “pre-assembled team of over 150 full-time staff, and an established network of over 3,000 video journalists across the world”.
The name “Viory” is a trade name. The company’s legal name is Darpo Vision FZ LLC, according to its website, which also states that it is registered in Abu Dhabi. In August 2024, Darpo Vision FZ LLC filed for a trademark in the US for the name Viory, which was approved in December of 2025.
As of May 2026, Bellingcat found press releases and news reports referencing at least 30 agreements between Viory and partners in more than 22 countries, as well as cooperation agreements with government agencies, training agreements with universities and regional journalism bodies.
This includes:
Viory also sponsored a glitzy event for its inaugural Global South Video News Awards in December 2025 at Abu Dhabi’s first-ever BRIDGE Summit.
Ruptly is a video news agency formerly based in Berlin and ultimately controlled by Russia Today (RT), which is owned by Russian state media company ANO TV-Novosti. ANO TV-Novosti has been on the EU sanctions list since December 2022 for spreading “pro-Kremlin propaganda and disinformation” and supporting Russia’s war against Ukraine.
RT launched Ruptly, which operated in Berlin via a German-registered subsidiary in 2013, with the goal of “becom[ing] the go-to alternative resource in a highly concentrated market of professional news video footage, and to deliver coverage of stories that other agencies miss.”
Sanctions imposed on RT following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine choked off Ruptly’s source of funds in Germany, leading the German company to begin insolvency proceedings in October 2024. Ruptly continues to operate from Moscow as of 2026.
As with Viory, Ruptly’s main offering is providing raw news footage to subscribers around the world. It relies on a large network of international freelancers and stringers. In 2016 RT claimed that Ruptly had “surpassed” newswire services AFP and Reuters on YouTube, and was serving more than 600 media organisations in 45 countries.
Felix Huesmann of the German outlet RedaktionsNetzwerk Deutschland (RND), was the first to outline links between Ruptly and Viory while covering the insolvency proceedings of Ruptly. He found that Darpo Vision’s original details on the Abu Dhabi Creative Media Authority’s site included an email address d.toktosunova@gmail.com. It has not been confirmed who this email address belongs to; however, the username matches the first name initial and surname of Dinara Toktosunova, the managing director of Ruptly. When asked about this email address by Huesmann in 2024, Ruptly “explained that Toktosunova is focused on securing the future of the Ruptly team [in Moscow] and is not working anywhere else as a managing director.”The activist group, OSINT For Ukraine, also outlined links between Ruptly and Viory, including the movement of multiple key staff between the two organisations and strong similarities between the two organisations’ platforms and content.
The legal entity behind Viory, Darpo Vision, was set up in one of Abu Dhabi’s free zones – special economic areas that have business-friendly incentives such as tax exemptions and that allow 100 percent foreign ownership. The free zones also offer what some describe as high levels of “corporate privacy,” which others assert has created a haven for shell companies and opaque corporate structures.
Darpo Vision initially had its own web domain, darpo.vision. The site has since been removed. Whois records show that the domain was registered by Darpo Vision FZ LLC in December 2022 to a PO Box in Abu Dhabi, using a Russian domain name registrar and a Moscow phone number.
Initially, Darpo.vision had its own Secure Sockets Layer (SSL) certificate – a digital certificate that authenticates a website’s identity, allowing it to secure and encrypt data. However, VirusTotal data shows that as of at least June 2024, darpo.vision was using a wildcard SSL certificate registered to ruptly.video. A Wildcard SSL certificate is a single certificate with a wildcard character (*) in the domain name field. This allows the certificate to secure a single domain and multiple subdomains. You can see historical SSL certificates for darpo.vision.

James Wilson, a software and networking engineer with 20 years of experience and currently Enterprise Technology editor at Risky Business Media, told Bellingcat that to prevent unauthorised use or forgery of SSL certificates, a private key is needed to create and use a wildcard certificate across multiple domains.
“The fact that darpo.vision was using a wildcard SSL certificate for ruptly.video indicates that whoever was running darpo.vision also had access to the private key for ruptly.video’s SSL certificate. Normally, only the people operating Ruptly’s web hosting infrastructure would be likely to have access to that,” Wilson explained.
When asked by Bellingcat about whether there were alternative possible explanations, Wilson suggested that it was theoretically possible that someone may have hacked Ruptly and stolen their private SSL key.
“However, using that wildcard SSL certificate on a domain that didn’t match the wildcard in the certificate defies explanation as the browser would alert the user to the certificate error,” he added.
Bellingcat also identified multiple shared IP addresses which appeared to be concurrently in use by both Ruptly and Viory between May 2025 and May 2026.
From 2025 onwards, the Russian IP address 158.160.132.25 has been used concurrently by viory.video, ruptly.video, ruptly.agency and ruptly.tv, according to VirusTotal. Similarly, since the beginning of 2026, IP address 84.252.135.88 has been used concurrently by viory.video, viory.team, ruptly.video, ruptly.agency and ruptly.tv, according to VirusTotal.

VirusTotal data shows that from 2025 onwards, IP address 158.160.166.22 has been used by ruptly.video and viory.video while from 2026 onwards, IP address 158.160.226.68 has been used by viory.video and ruptly.tv. The VirusTotal data appears to show these IP addresses being used exclusively by Ruptly and Viory as of 2025 and 2026. However, VirusTotal does not necessarily capture all domains which resolve to an IP, and other domains may also have resolved to these IP addresses, which were not observed by VirusTotal’s passive DNS replication service. It is also important to note that in some cases, unrelated domains use the same IP addresses.
Viory’s and Ruptly’s site infrastructure was also linked through data sent via Sentry, an internal error tracking and performance monitoring platform.
An API scan of Ruptly’s main client login page, ruptly.agency, on March 26, 2026, shows that the page was sending data to a subdomain of viory.team. This domain appears to be used by Viory primarily for backend purposes, based on subdomains which appear to refer to common developer and site management tools such as Traefik and ArgoCD, in addition to Sentry.io. Notably, two subdomains also appear to refer to Ruptly.

The purpose of one domain sending data to another domain’s Sentry project is generally to consolidate all of the relevant performance and error data in one place for in-house developers to monitor.
The ruptly.agency page’s request to viory.team also includes an authentication key for Viory’s Sentry project. Ruptly.agency is not the only Ruptly domain sending Sentry data to viory.team. As of May 9, 2026 the login page for ruptly.video’s own Sentry project, sentry.ops.ruptly.video, automatically redirects to sentry.ops.ruptly.video/auth/login/viory/. Ruptly Video’s Sentry login page also features “Viory” as the title.
The ruptly.video Sentry login page is also sending data to the viory.team Sentry project, the ruptly.agency homepage and using a favicon hosted on viory.team.
A third Ruptly domain, ruptly.tv, also sends performance data to viory.team’s Sentry project via cms.dev.ruptly.tv.
James Wilson noted that in each case, the Ruptly domains sending data to Viory appeared to be using a different Sentry key.
“If you look at each of these snippets sending telemetry data [from the Ruptly domains], the specific Sentry keys for sentry.ops.viory.team are different for each. I presume that someone with access to Viory’s Sentry keys has generated and included fresh Sentry keys in each of these instances in order to differentiate between the telemetry from this site versus others using the same Sentry instance,” Wilson said.
“This cuts against the idea that this is, for example, a case of someone just lazily copy-pasting code on Ruptly’s domains. It suggests that each of these snippets was likely to have been deliberately included. The alternative explanation of changing these API keys to some arbitrary value seems much less plausible given the lack of diligence in ensuring other aspects of the content didn’t cross-reference the domains.”
Finally, Bellingcat found a page at frontend.dev.viory.video/en that appears likely to be a developer test page for the front page of Viory’s main domain viory.video.
Notably, however, the page title reads “Stream trending news | Ruptly.” The page description included in the source code also refers to Ruptly:
“Follow breaking world news in real-time and stream the latest developments in politics, sports, finance, science, tech, and more from one of the top online news sites. Download and share international news today with award-winning news agency Ruptl” [sic].

Wilson said that the use of the Ruply page title and text on the Viory test page “looks like a case of lazy copy and pasting”.
“That could potentially be done by someone outside of Ruptly, although it would be strange.”
While this particular piece lies on the lower end of the spectrum of proof, Wilson said that together with the other stronger pieces of evidence, including multiple Ruptly domains appearing to send data to Viory using different API keys, and Ruptly’s wildcard SSL certificate on Darpo Vision’s site, the weight of evidence for a connection between Ruptly and Viory adds up.
“None of the pieces of evidence are watertight on their own, but when you add them together it’s difficult to think of other plausible explanations for all of them being true at the same time,” he added.
“None of the pieces of evidence are watertight on their own, but when you add them together it’s difficult to think of other plausible explanations for all of them being true at the same time,”
-James Wilson
Bellingcat also found that Ruptly appears to have connections to a company in Hong Kong. Company records from July 2022 indicate that this company was originally named Ruptly Limited, but in September of that year, the company’s name was changed to Lotus Production Limited.
The Hong Kong company remains registered as active and filed annual reports in September 2025.
Anna Hiller, a Bangkok-based Consultant Research Analyst for the Institute for Strategic Dialogue told Bellingcat that the resources provided by Viory can be an attractive pool of source material for smaller media outlets, governments and academic institutions with small budgets.
She told Bellingcat that Viory’s editorial choices are clear when looking at the site’s videos.
“When accessing Viory, the prominence of pro-Russian and pro-China content is immediately noticeable, including numerous articles focused on Vladimir Putin, Russia-China cooperation, and broader China-related narratives.”
Bellingcat contacted Viory, Darpo Vision and Lotus Production Limited to ask about the connections we found between the Viory website and Ruptly and between Lotus Production Limited and Ruptly.
Viory said that it had no connection with Ruptly. “Viory has no connection with Ruptly; any suggestion otherwise based on ordinary use of similar digital platforms, tools or cloud providers is poorly founded and inaccurate; Viory is a UAE-based, privately held, self-funded and 100% privately owned organisation, and receives no funding, direction or instructions from any state media,” the company said in an email response.
Ruptly also said it was not connected to Viory. It declined to respond to Bellingcat’s questions, including about specific findings such as Ruptly’s domains sending technical performance and error data to Viory, calling these questions “irrelevant”.
Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.
The post Tracing Digital Links Between Viory and Ruptly appeared first on bellingcat.
27.05.2026 à 11:41
A “river of blood” was how one survivor described the scene in western Myanmar. “I saw shooting. I saw mass killing.” Another told the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHRC) how 20 relatives, including three children, had been killed in the 2024 attack on Htan Shauk Khan village. Human Rights Watch (HRW) said earlier […]
The post The ‘Lost’ Villages of Myanmar’s Rakhine appeared first on bellingcat.
A “river of blood” was how one survivor described the scene in western Myanmar. “I saw shooting. I saw mass killing.” Another told the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHRC) how 20 relatives, including three children, had been killed in the 2024 attack on Htan Shauk Khan village.
Human Rights Watch (HRW) said earlier this month that the Arakan Army (AA) “may have killed at least 170 Rohingya men, women, and children” in Hoyyar Siri (known as Htan Shauk Khan in Burmese) in Buthidaung Township. It described the May 2, 2024, attack as a “massacre”.
Buthidaung is one of the two townships in Rakhine State that is home to the majority of the Rohingya, a mainly Muslim ethnic minority in the predominantly Buddhist Myanmar.
At least 40 villages in Buthindaung were burned down in April and May 2024 amid clashes between the AA, an ethnic armed group fighting Myanmar’s military junta for control of Rakhine, and junta forces battling to retain their hold of the township.
Both sides committed abuses against civilians during the clashes, according to HRW. The military junta’s forced conscription of Rohingya to fight on its behalf has also intensified violence against them.
The military and Rohingya armed groups began arson attacks in Buthidaung township in April 2024. By mid-May the AA had captured all junta bases, according to the think tank, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. The destruction of Buthidaung has previously been documented by Bellingcat.

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The AA has denied accusations that it massacred civilians in Buthidaung, claiming that those killed were junta soldiers and Rohingya militants.
Bellingcat emailed the United League of Arakan, AA’s political wing, about the alleged attack on civilians but did not receive a response at the time of publication. Myanmar’s Ministry of Defence also did not respond to our questions.
Evidence of civilian harm in Myanmar is slow to emerge and difficult to obtain due to the military’s strict control of the region and the tight grip of armed groups such as the AA in areas they control.
“The mass killing could only be confirmed more than a year later,” the recent HRW report said, “when survivors eventually crossed into Bangladesh and found their way to the Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar.”
Aerial imagery shows that Htan Shauk Khan was almost entirely destroyed in May 2024.

A new investigation by Bellingcat has identified 115 villages in Rakhine State, similar to Htan Shauk Khan, as partially or completely destroyed since the February 2021 military coup that overthrew Myanmar’s democratically elected government.
The data points to a pattern of violence that leaves civilian areas uninhabitable and in some cases, erases them completely.
Several buildings were set on fire when the junta allegedly dropped a bomb on the Muslim village of Zu La on Nov. 3, 2024. The fire was captured nearby on NASA FIRMS.
Satellite imagery indicates that it was attacked again on Dec. 9, 2024. Visible smoke can be seen rising from the village.
Zu La is located in Maungdaw Township. Along with neighbouring Buthidaung, Maungdaw is home to the majority of Myanmar’s persecuted Rohingya.
Zu La, and the neighbouring village of Gone Nar, previously faced violence during the 2017 Rohingya genocide.
Satellite imagery from that year shows them completely burned to the ground.
They show signs of reconstruction after 2017.
But repeated attacks in 2024 destroyed the villages again.
Neither of the villages appears on the latest maps from 2024. These are produced by the United Nations mapping unit, based on Myanmar government maps.
Steve Ross, Senior Fellow at the US nonprofit Stimson Center who is leading the ‘Crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine State’ project, told Bellingcat this is part of the military’s broader campaign to deny the existence of the Rohingya and erase identity in Rakhine.
Bellingcat contacted the Myanmar government but had received no response by the time of publication.
Villages in Mungdaw are inured to cycles of violence. Ywar Haung, a village south of Zu La, has stood barren since 2017.
So has Kan Kya, where the military built the Border Guard Police Battalion No. 5 (BGP5).
All four villages are among the growing number of Rakhine’s lost settlements.
Six of the 10 villages we found partially or totally destroyed in Maungdaw in 2024 aren’t marked on the UN’s township map.
Removing more villages from the map remains a possibility, Ross said. However, following this April’s elections, which critics dismissed as a sham, the military is eager to restore international credibility and avoid actions that might be seen as provocative, the expert told Bellingcat.
The AA announced the capture of Maungdaw when it seized BGP5 on Dec. 8, 2024.
And with that the armed group gained full control of Myanmar’s entire border with Bangladesh.
Shortly afterwards, the AA took control of the strategically important Ann Township in central Rakhine.
The armed group announced it had captured the headquarters of the Western Regional Military Command on Dec. 18, 2024.
It shared a video of the headquarters and nearby military installations burning.
Local residents in and around the township were trapped, displaced or forced to flee their homes due to the months-long fight for Ann.
According to reports, the military entered Pyaung Chaung village and burned it down on Oct. 31, 2024.
Satellite imagery from Nov. 1, 2024, shows large-scale damage in the village. There were reports that the military warned residents to evacuate the village a week before the attack.
Ross believes that the military’s intention has been to try to make Rakhine as ungovernable as possible if the AA gains full control of the state.
Nearby villages of Yat Thar Ywar Thit
and Pyaung Thay show similar evidence of destruction.
Sittwe city, the capital of Rakhine State, has become a focal area of fighting since late 2025. The city is in Sittwe township, one of the three townships still under junta control.
Su Mon Thant, Asia-Pacific analyst at Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED), said capturing Sittwe would be highly symbolic for the AA as no non-state actor has yet taken control of a state capital in the country.
The AA already controls areas along an India-backed transport corridor in Myanmar that includes a port in Sittwe.
Sittwe is surrounded by water on three sides. Capturing it would be challenging, with the military maintaining naval superiority and building defences in and around the city to deter a potential AA offensive, Ross said.
On Dec. 27, 2024, the AA attacked the Kyauk Tan checkpoint near Sittwe on the highway linking the capital to Yangon, the largest city to the south of Rakhine.
There are many villages near the checkpoint.
Like Taw Kan
where, according to local reports, junta forces carried out an arson attack that destroyed 80 houses on Jan. 15, 2024.
Bellingcat found at least 13 villages near the checkpoint that had been destroyed, with only a few remaining structures. All but one of them were attacked in 2024-2025.
Less than 4km from the checkpoint is Yar Tan
which appears intact in a March 2024 Google Earth image
but several buildings look destroyed in high-resolution satellite image on Google Earth from March 2025.
Trenches and military outposts began appearing near the village around Nov-Dec 2024.
They grew as the months passed. However, due to a lack of updated high-resolution satellite images, we cannot tell whether these are currently in use or to what extent.
There are also villages that appear to have been replaced with defensive structures. For example, Kan Pyin Ywar Haung, for which the latest available high-resolution satellite image shows trenches on both sides.
Although such structures are clearly visible in high-resolution satellite imagery, lower-quality images can also help indicate whether a village was replaced with fortifications.
Kan Pyin Ywar Thit, located just south of Kan Pyin Ywar Haung, appears to have been completely destroyed; however, the same criss-crossing lines are not visible across the village.
Similar fortifications appear in other villages.
Defence infrastructure has replaced villages on the outskirts of Sittwe, making it more difficult for AA to advance towards the city, said Ross.
Bellingcat also found at least 10 villages partially or totally destroyed in Kyaukpyu Township since fighting intensified in February 2025.
Kyaukpyu, which has abundant oil, natural gas and marine resources, is also home to a junta naval base
As well as Chinese infrastructure projects that the AA fully or partially controls.
Nearly all the villages we found to be destroyed or damaged are within a 10km radius of the naval base.
In early March this year, clashes took place between the AA and the military near Say Maw village, located less than 5km from the base.
NASA FIRMS detected fire in the village and the surrounding areas on March 23, 2026.
The latest high resolution satellite image on Planet from April 2026 shows flattened buildings in the village.
A month earlier Saing Chon Dwein village, also less than 5km from the base, was reportedly burned down by the military.
The fire was caught on a Feb. 9, 2026 lower resolution satellite image
with burnt areas distinguishable the next day.
Like Sittwe, Kyaukpyu is surrounded by water, making it difficult for the Arakan Army, which lacks naval capabilities, to seize control. “AA has some advanced drones reportedly, but these areas also have jamming technology,” said Thant.
The data was compiled using news reports, including social media channels, ACLED, satellite imagery and NASA FIRMS. The names of the villages were corroborated using the UN’s Myanmar Information Management Unit (MIMU), news reports and Planet Labs.
We only included areas where the destruction was clearly visible in high-resolution satellite imagery or significant enough to be detected in mid-resolution images. Our data is not exhaustive and the true number of affected villages is likely to be higher.
While it is difficult to ascertain whether the villages we found damaged or destroyed showed signs of reconstruction, at least five of them appear to show some buildings rebuilt in latest available satellite imagery.
Last month, in the first election since Myanmar’s 2021 coup, the pro-military parliament chose junta chief Min Aung Hlaing to be the next president.
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According to research group Data for Myanmar, at least 65 townships were excluded from voting, including the 14 in the AA’s control. In Rakhine’s 17 townships, voting was held in only three still under junta control – Kyaukpyu, Sittwe and Manaung.
The AA resumed attacks against the junta in Rakhine in November 2023, ending a year-long ceasefire.
Data published by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) and analysed by Bellingcat reveals a sharp increase in the military’s air and drone strikes in Rakhine. After the AA resumed its offensive, strikes rose from 30 in 2023 to 461 in 2024. By the end of 2024, the AA had captured all but three townships in the state.
Bellingcat found that strikes were then concentrated in the townships where the junta is fighting to maintain control. They decreased in 13 townships captured by the AA and remained unchanged in one during 2025. By contrast, attacks increased in Kyaukpyu and Sittwe, yet to be captured by the AA. Data for Manaung is unavailable.
ACLED’s data comes from multiple sources, including news reports and social media. While the data is not exhaustive, a broad trend can be identified. You can read further details and caveats about the data here.
Su Mon Thant, Asia-Pacific analyst at ACLED,explained that the military conducts clearance operations to prevent the AA from using villages as buffers or shelters – a tactic employed across the country. “At the same time, it’s a warning sign for other villages,” she said, adding that when one village is set ablaze, it sends a signal to other villages not to “accept, shelter or harbor” armed groups. Thant also noted that people are displaced when their village is destroyed, eroding support for armed groups as locals suffer the consequences of the fighting.
The AA has vowed to take control of all of Rakhine by 2027 and success may bring a geopolitical shift in the region. The armed group’s control over Kyaukpyu and Sittwe will give it significant leverage, with both India and China having infrastructure projects in the townships, Steve Ross of the Stimson Center told Bellingcat.
But neither side can control the state without further alleviation of civilian suffering, Ross said. According to UNHRC data, there are almost half a million internally displaced people (IDPs) in Rakhine as of March 30, 2026.

In Sittwe township alone, about 120,000 Rohingya have been displaced by communal conflict since 2012.
“People displaced from other parts of Rakhine State during the war are in Sittwe, hundreds of thousands of civilians,” said Thant, adding that neither side can control the capital without significant loss of life.
There are also 1 million Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. The futures of both the refugees and IDPs remain uncertain.
“Nobody can go home yet at this stage,” said Thant.
Bellingcat is a non-profit and the ability to carry out our work is dependent on the kind support of individual donors. If you would like to support our work, you can do so here. You can also subscribe to our Newsletter and follow us on Bluesky here, Instagram here, Reddit here and YouTube here.
The post The ‘Lost’ Villages of Myanmar’s Rakhine appeared first on bellingcat.
26.05.2026 à 19:01
This investigation is a collaboration between Bellingcat and Jeune Afrique. You can read Jeune Afrique’s article in French here. Unexploded Russian-made cluster munition bomblets, as well as damage consistent with bomblet impacts, have been found in a village in northern Mali – despite the West African country being a state party to the Convention on […]
The post Banned Russian Submunitions Found After Mali’s Military Announces Airstrikes appeared first on bellingcat.
This investigation is a collaboration between Bellingcat and Jeune Afrique. You can read Jeune Afrique’s article in French here.
Unexploded Russian-made cluster munition bomblets, as well as damage consistent with bomblet impacts, have been found in a village in northern Mali – despite the West African country being a state party to the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) which prohibits their use.
The deployment of cluster munitions in northern Mali was first reported by Radio France International last week, citing local sources yet without showing images of the munitions or strikes in the reporting. However, social media footage posted on May 17, and since analysed by Bellingcat and our publishing partner, Jeune Afrique, shows unexploded Russian manufactured ShOAB-0.5 submunitions (bomblets).
Bellingcat geolocated a video showing the unexploded ShOAB-0.5 bomblets in the village of Tadjmart (18.977305, 0.86072), located approximately 55-kilometers (34-miles) south of the larger town of Aguelhok in northern Mali. This matches the location of airstrikes announced by the Malian Armed Forces (FAMa) on May 17. FAMa claimed it had identified armed groups in the area.

Russia’s paramilitary Africa Corps group, which is controlled by the Russian government and which replaced the Wagner mercenary group in the country, has been supporting Malian military operations.
Mali’s civil war has been ongoing since 2012. But the conflict has spiked in recent weeks as Tuareg separatists from the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and militants from the al-Qaeda affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) seized control of parts of the country in coordinated attacks against Malian and Africa Corps forces.
Les mercenaires continuent de larguer des bombes sur des maisons et certains diront pourquoi se révolter contre ces genres des pratiques inhumaines ne respectant aucun Droit. https://t.co/5jynKwUgeW pic.twitter.com/nB3ym4yooc
— Mohamed Lilly (@MedLilly1) May 17, 2026
The footage geolocated by Bellingcat shows the unexploded submunitions near buildings, alongside multiple small craters, consistent with submunition explosions.

The buildings and landmarks visible in the footage allowed us to geolocate where it was taken.

Additional footage geolocated by Bellingcat to nearby coordinates 18.97954, 0.85989 shows destroyed and burning buildings several hundred meters away, although this damage is not consistent with cluster munition use. The damage appears more significant than that which would be caused by submunition impacts.

Cluster munitions are explosive weapons which open mid-air to release large numbers of submunitions. They are prohibited from being used by signatories of the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) because they are indiscriminate, saturate a wide area and can leave behind highly volatile unexploded bomblets which can kill civilians long after deployment.

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While Mali is a signatory to the CCM, Russia is not a state party to the agreement.
Brian Finucane, a senior adviser with the US Program at the International Crisis Group, told Bellingcat that as a party to the CCM, Mali is “subject to its prohibitions and requirements. These include not only prohibitions on the use of cluster munitions, but also obligations to clear and destroy such munitions on its territory.”
ShOAB-0.5 submunitions are carried by the Russian RBK-500 cluster munition dispenser. A single RBK-500 dispenser can deploy about 565 ShOAB-0.5 submunitions. There is as yet no footage posted online showing a spent dispenser linked to this incident.Footage did circulate online on May 16 showing the remnants of an RBK-500. It was claimed to have been used in a separate cluster munition strike in the Timbuktu region of Mali. However, this footage was not geolocatable, given it only shows a close up of the dispenser at night, nor was it possible to tell when the footage was taken.
A second video appears to show the same dispenser, but shows the side with visible Russian markings denoting the model: “РБК-500; ШОАБ-0.5; ТГ-30”. This identifies the dispenser, RBK-500, the submunition inside, ShOAB-0.5, and the explosive filler, TG-30.

RBK-500 dispensers are deployed by Russian-made aircraft including several MiG and Su models. According to the 2024 IISS Military Balance report, Mali does not have any known operational Russian fixed-wing attack aircraft. Two Russian Su-25 aircraft delivered to Mali – one in 2022 and another in 2023 – are reported to have crashed and been out of service since late 2023.
An Su-24M model has since appeared in satellite imagery captured at Modibo Keita International Airport in Bamako. The imagery was first published by France 24 in April 2025, although it was unclear if this aircraft was, or has been, operated by Africa Corps or Malian forces.
Bellingcat contacted the Malian military and Russian Ministry of Defence requesting comment, and asking which force was responsible for deploying cluster munitions. We did not receive a substantive response by publication time beyond the initial statement made by the FAMa which detailed it was responsible for the May 17 strike.
A video posted on May 17, by an account linked to Azawad rebels in Northern Mali, shows a person handling components of a ShOAB-0.5 submunition, seemingly unaware of the danger. However, as the video shows only a close up of the submunition, it has not been possible to geolocate the video or confirm when it was taken.
Les Azawadiens ne fabriquent pas les armes au contraire ils les démontent ! pic.twitter.com/0tqOb6ut9G
— Oumayya AG Ambeiry (@AgOumayya) May 17, 2026
The FLA condemned the use of cluster munitions in a statement published on May 18.
Bellingcat has previously reported on the use of cluster munitions in Syria and Ukraine and the danger they pose to civilians.
Youri van der Weide contributed to this report.
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